Editor’s note : Views in the article do not necessarily reflect the views of borkena.com
Yonas Biru, PhD
Major breakthroughs in hard science like cosmology, physics, chemistry, and anatomy require human intelligence to seize upon new ideas and transform them into a new paradigm. Alexander Pope had it right when he wrote “Nature and Nature’s laws lay hid by night. God said, ‘Let Newton be!’ and all was light.”
Social and political transformations are no different. They require critical thinkers and opinion leaders who seize upon social developments and harness them into revolutionary movements. It is hard to imagine America without Thomas Jeferson, who etched the American creed: “We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights, that among these are Life, Liberty and the Pursuit of Happiness.”
God must have said “Let Jeferson be” to ignite the spirit and tenets of the US Constitution in James Madison and spark the eureka moments of illumination in George Washington to translate the Jeffersonian creed into a solemn and binding socio-political covenant. Hundreds of years after Jefferson uttered the American creed, people of all hues, faiths, and shades have been landing on American shores by boat, by air, in trucks, and on foot, seeking the riches of freedom and the security of justice.
Be it in hard science or social science, a very small segment of society among the political or scientific elite classes are the eigne and the energy that transform the world.
The purpose of this article is to examine the failure of the Amhara political elite class of recent memory to rise and seize the moment of heightened public demand for change in the Amhara political landscape. It behooves us to investigate why Amhara political engagements produce heat not light. This is the challenge I attempt to tackle. Thus, shall I. May help me God!
Amhara as a Target of Systematic Disenfranchisement
The Ethiopian Constitution was designed jointly by the Tigrayan and Oromo Liberation Fronts (TPLF and OLF) to supposedly free non-Amhara Ethiopians from an alleged exploitation, suppression and colonization under the yolk of Amhara domination. Consequently, since the adoption of the Constitution, the people of Amhara have been targeted and systematically disenfranchised in every facet of their lives – economically, politically and socially.
Let us first look at the population issue to drive the point home. In the 1984 population census, Oromo accounted for 29.1% of Ethiopia’s population followed by Amhara at 28.3%. The difference in population was 332,414 in favor of Oromo.
In the 1994 census, the first under the TPLF and OLF coalition government, the Oromo population grew to 35% of the total population. The corresponding figure for Amhara declined to 25.9%. The population difference between the two skyrocketed from 332,414 (in 1984) to 4,898,228 (in 1994) in favor of Oromo.
In the 2007 census that was conducted under TPLF for the second time, the Oromo population increased further to 36.7% of the population. Amhara went down again to 23.3%. In 2007, the population difference shot up to 9,944,415. In 2023, extrapolated population estimates ballooned the difference between Amhara and Oromo population to 13,626,137. As a result, with respect to Oromo, Amhara got disenfranchised in the parliamentary seat allocations. It also got the short side of the stick in the share of the federal government’s budgetary support to regional governments that is determined primarily based on population.
The systemic under-allocation of federal budget appropriations together with the policy of developmental state that managed the nation’s development systematically undermined the economic development of the Amhara tribal land. During the TPLF’s era, one of its signature economic accomplishments was infrastructure, particularly roads. According to a World Bank report: “Remote and economically lagging regions, and Amhara Region, saw lesser increases in road density… the increase in road density was concentrated in certain regions, notably Addis Ababa, as well as Tigray in the north of the country and in Oromia in the center.”
Another growth indicator the World Bank report used is “differences in the pattern of nightlights over a given time.” The report highlighted this as critical because such differences “are correlated with changes in GDP.” The top three cities outside of Addis Ababa who registered relatively high nightlights listed in the order of high to low are Mekele (Tigray), Adama (Oromo), and Awasa (Southern People).
Access to health is another area of systemic social injustice. A 2005 World Bank report shows delivery care by a medically trained person is the highest in Addis Ababa (69 percent) and the lowest in the Amhara region where it is “only three percent.”
The agriculture sector of the Amhara tribal land is another sector adversely affected for two reasons. First, during the demarcation of the new regions, Amhara is the only tribe that lost land in corners of its geographic proper. In the North, Tigray annexed two fertile lands. In the West, a large swath of land was given to Benishangul. To the South, the Oromo claimed extended areas of farming lands. To the East, Afar gained a large part of Amhara. Amhara is the only region that was forced to give land to other tribal homelands without gaining any from them.
More recently, over one million peaceful people of Amhara heritage were forcefully displaced both by the Oromo regional government and non-governmental Oromo forces. Amhara is also the only region that became a target of war by the federal government to force it to disband and disarm its regional military and militia forces. Tigray that boasts of having over 200,000 well-armed regional forces and militia, was not required to disband or disarm. The same is the case with Oromo regional military and militia forces.
The failure of Amhara Political Elite
The people of Amhara are stuck between the devil and the deep blue sea with an unpleasant choice between a Prime Minister who is a narcissistic psychopath and the Amhara political elite that lacks a strategic vision and unifying political consensus. The fate of the people of Amhara is determined by accident and force rather than by strategic reflection and choice.
The question that overrides all else is: Why has the Amhara failed to produce its own versions of Madison, Jeferson and Washington out of ሽጉጤ፣ ጎንጤ፣ and ተምትሜ? Several factors explain the unfortunate phenomenon, including: (1) a hermitized culture that is unfit for a 21st century politics that recoils against an open dialogue and consensus building, (2) a political identity crisis, and (3) the resultant emergence of extremist forces led by idiotic clowns.
A Hermitized Culture that is Unfit for a 21st Century Politics
Ethiopia’s political crisis emerges from the Northern part of the nation in Amhara and Tigray. The politics in the South is a politics of grievance and reaction rather than a proactive political contention. Ethiopian politics cannot be transformed before the hermitized culture in Amhara and Tigray are addressed. I have written a lot on this and will not repeat it here. Those interested can google and read (1) “Ethiopia’s Political Problems Reside in Its Mythological National Identity,” and (2) “Quantum Physics and the Quest for the Elusive National Dialogue in Ethiopia.”
The Amhara Identity Crisis
The Amhara can learn a lot from the Oromo identity crisis. The Godfather of Oromummaa, Asafa Jalata was the first Oromo intellectual who tried to overcome the lack of a unifying Oromo political identity to build a united Oromo. He was aware that Oromos in Shewa have a lot more in common with Amharas in Shewa than with the Oromos of Arsi. The good professor spent a large part of his political life to elevate Oromummaa to a faux political culture.
He knew language alone could not unify Oromos to build an Oromo political power base. He believed Oromo needed a unifying Oromo culture that ties all Oromos together. That was why he tried to resurrect Gadaa from the tomb and rinse it as a cornerstone for a united Oromo and reinvented Irrecha from a localized idol religious tradition to a universal Oromo culture. That is also why he condemned Islam and Christianity as enemies of Oromo and tried to resurrect Waaqeffanna as Oromo’s spiritual energy.
His efforts proved to be delusional that gave birth to a still born political enterprise. Oromummaa failed in a spectacular fashion. As Jawar Mohamed reluctantly admitted, tribal politics may be effective in mobilizing dissent but is unsuitable in fostering a transformative political system, be it democratic or otherwise. Put in the vernacular, Tribalism is primitive and degenerative.
Amhara as a political entity is a constitutionally sanctioned tribal identity. The uncontestable fact is that the Amhara of Sewa has far more in common with the Oromo of Shewa than with the Amhara of Gojam. The red thread that connects the Amharas of Wello and Gojam is as thin as that of the Amharas of Wello and their bordering tribal homelands of Tigray and Afar.
Furthermore, historically, the Amharas of Wello, Shewa, Gojam and Gonder have been political adversaries. In fact, they have waged at least as many wars against each other as they have with their non-Amhara neighboring tribes.
The common political narrative “ሲገሉህ አማራ ብለው እንጂ ጎንደሬ፣ ጎጃሜ፣ ወለየ፣ ወይም ሸዌ ብለው አደለም። ስለዚህ አማራ ሆይ አንድ ሁን” is a political rhetoric that carries zero strategic currency. Amhara must learn from Oromummaa failed endeavor that tried to create an Oromo identity using grievance politics as a unifying principle.
This is evident not only in the stillborn Oromummaa movement but also in the Fano movement that is devoid of a unifying agenda outside of its grievance enterprise. The political narrative “ሲገሉህ አማራ ብለው እንጂ ጎንደሬ፣ ጎጃሜ፣ ወለየ፣ ወይም ሸዌ ብለው አደለም። ስለዚህ አማራ ሆይ አንድ ሁን” was effective to generate dissent and mobilize organized protest.
What is also evident is that Fano has failed to elevate itself from a protest movement to a transformative political force. The euphoric and delusional message to the resident of Addis “ጠብቁን እየመጣን ነው” was similar in nature and delusional affinity to that of the Prime Minister’s bravado and promise of bringing Fano to its knees in two weeks.
The fight between the federal government and Fano is increasingly appearing as a fight between two groups of blind men frantically throwing punches and spending energy without discernible strategy.
The Emergence of Extremist Clowns as Monopolistic Political Forces
I am not sure who said, “America is an idea — an idea stronger than any army, and more powerful than any dictator or tyrant.” Whoever said it, it pays homage to the historical fact that America was built on the strength of the ideals of its political elites led by the likes of Thomas Jeferson, James Madison and George Washington. Its creeds, tenets and covenants were etched in the Declaration of Independence, the Federalist Papers and the Constitution. Though written by few, these documents were the result of open political dialogue and heated debates that led to consensus.
The main problem with the Amhara movement resides in its failure to develop a consensus political agenda, along with a robust strategic roadmap and a flexible and adaptive end goal. The agenda-setting and roadmap-building efforts are the duties of the political elite. Unfortunately, the hermitized Amhara political culture is incompatible with open dialogue and consensus building.
Simply put, the immovable barriers of the hermitized Amhara culture that recoils against an open dialogue and consensus building has given birth to an unstoppable extremist clowns. What is worse than a fight between groups of blind men is a fight between idiotic clowns who harbor the politics of dogmatic extremism. Meet Eskinder Nega, Zemene Kassie, Habtamu Ayalew, Habtamu Tegegn, Shelka ድንቄም እቴ and Engineer አልሞትኩም ብየ አልዋሽም.
Such clowns are more damaging to the Fano enterprise than the delusional PM who dreams about destroying Fano in two weeks and challenging the US and EU global market share in the production and supply of commercial and military airplanes by 2030, a feat that China and Russia have not succeeded in.
I have written a lot about the extremist clowns and their detrimental consequences. Those who are interested in the topic can read “Fano’s Current Realities: Challenges, Prospects & Next Steps,” or “Fano’s Military Successes and Political Tragedies” or “The Asshole Generation.” All are a google search away.
አስቤ በድፍረት ውይም ሳላስብ በንዝህላልነት ካጠፋሁ ይቅርታ እጠይቃለሁ
Editor’s note : Views in the article do not necessarily reflect the views of borkena.com
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As usual, someone who is ranting because he is rejected by the real fighters for the survival of Amhara rather than an imagined Ethiopia. You should take step 1 before 2.
Critique and Reflection:
The article is a mix of historical analysis, cultural critique, and political commentary. While the author provides detailed data and historical context, the tone and language (e.g., labeling leaders as “idiotic clowns”) may alienate some readers.
The analysis invites reflection on the broader Ethiopian political landscape, raising questions about the viability of ethnonationalist frameworks in fostering inclusive governance.
Relevance:
For those interested in Ethiopian politics, this article offers a lens into the complexities of Amhara identity and leadership within a federal system characterized by ethnic competition and historical grievances. It also underscores the need for visionary leadership to navigate Ethiopia’s fragmented political reality.
Critique and Reflection:
The article focuses on the complexities of Amhara identity and leadership within Ethiopia’s fractious federal system. While it raises important concerns about systemic disenfranchisement and the lack of a cohesive political vision, its arguments are undermined by the absence of new data or substantive historical and cultural analysis. The author’s tone, including the use of dismissive language such as “idiotic clowns,” detracts from the gravity of the issues discussed and risks alienating readers who might otherwise engage with the discourse.
The parallels drawn with historical figures like Jefferson and Madison are misplaced and irrelevant to the Amhara context, as they fail to account for the unique socio-political and historical realities of Ethiopia. Instead of offering constructive strategies, the article leans heavily on critique without providing actionable solutions, leaving readers with a sense of pessimism rather than clarity or direction.
Relevance:
The article reflects the challenges facing the Amhara movement, which appears to be on its deathbed due to fragmented leadership, internal divisions, and a lack of unifying purpose. It highlights the broader implications of ethnonationalist politics in Ethiopia, but its inability to move beyond grievance narratives underscores the urgency for transformative leadership. For those exploring Ethiopian politics, the piece serves as a stark reminder of the difficulties in reconciling historical grievances with the demands of modern governance, even as the Amhara movement struggles for relevance in a deeply divided political landscape.
I am sure the Herr Doktor is familiar with the saying “Politics is downstream from culture.” When was the last time in living memory the Amhara political elite class produced a transformative idea and leader? It behooves us to investigate why the Tegaru political elite class paved the way for the rise of Getachew Reda to pick up the pieces after a disastrous (and treacherous) warmongering, whereas the Amhara uprise and insurrection should be stuck with buffoons like Zemene Kasse. If there really is anything to be called the ‘Amhara political sub-culture’, it is stuck in a medieval way of thinking and has neither the inclination nor the capacity to produce transformative leadership. If it were in Amhara, a thinking person like Getachew (however flawed he may otherwise be) has almost zero chance of climbing through the ranks to provide strategic leadership to the people. Zemene Kassie and Habtamu Ayalew are not accidental leaders at all. They are the natural leaders selected by the culture! This fact alone, if no more else, should have given a pause to those who should have known better (like the Herr Doktor here) from enthusiastically embracing armed insurrections in Amhara!
Well well well,
Yonas Birru is an opportunistic & dishonest non-intellectual. For a very long time, he has been not just a die hard supporter of Abiy and his regime, but he used to spend his time on social media, by insulting and degrading people who don’t think like him, politically.
After Abiy rejected his appeal (with submission of CV) to be the governor of NBE, he immediately jumps to criticizing PP and anti PP groups.
He presents himself as the one who coined the term የአማራ ሸኔ (before Abiy) for the Fanos and he is still, shamelessly, proud of it! Despite he trial to put a caveat on the term and it couldn’t go anywhere.
His views regarding the world politics are not just wrong, it is absolutely embarrassing for someone who claims to be an intellectual and well educated. His world political views are copy-pastes from CNN’s playbook.
Dear Dr. Yonas Biru,
I have carefully reviewed your article titled “The Amhara Political Elite is Killing Fano in Slow Motion.”
It is evident that your articles often centre on critiquing and marginalizing Oromo politics and the Oromo people.
I would like to address a particular point you made regarding the Ethiopian constitution, where you claimed it was crafted by the Oromo Liberation Front and Tigray Liberation Front. This assertion is inaccurate. The OLF played no part in the drafting of the Ethiopian constitution. Such misinformation serves to mislead and foster biased and negative perceptions towards the OLF and the Oromo people. The constitution was drafted and approved in 1995, with the late Kifle Wedajo and his colleagues leading the constitutional commission.
Furthermore, it is crucial to note that the Oromo Liberation Front was involved in the Transitional government in 1991, where individuals such as Lenco Leta, Isayes Afewerk, and Meles Zenawi convened in Seneafe, Eritrea, to discuss the transitional government of Ethiopia and formulate the transitional charter. However, following the OLF’s withdrawal, it ceased to function within the Transitional Government. Therefore, the OLF was not involved in the drafting or approval of the Ethiopian constitution. Your reference to the OLF in this context seems to unjustly vilify a political organization that represents the interests of the Oromo people.
Additionally, with regards to the 1994 census, it is important to clarify that the second Ethiopian housing and population census took place in 1987 Ethiopian calendar, corresponding to 1994 and 1995. During this period, the OLF was not part of the Ethiopian Government, and the census was conducted under the auspices of the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia, led by the TPLF EPRDF. Therefore, any insinuation that the OLF was involved in the 2nd Ethiopian housing and population census is inaccurate.
In future discussions, I urge you to ensure that your information is thoroughly researched and accurately reflects the historical context, timelines, and events before disseminating it in the public domain.
Regarding the decline in the Amhara population, it is essential to contextualize the situation in Ethiopia pre-1991, where individuals from various ethnic groups such as Oromo, Wolayta, Benishangul-Gumuz, Kefficho, Sidama, and all nations and nationalities of Ethiopia faced marginalization. Many individuals in southern Ethiopia even altered their names and identities, aspiring to be recognized as Amhara to access governmental and non-governmental opportunities. The imposition of a singular language and religious ideology from Northern Ethiopia pressured individuals to adopt Amhara identities, erasing their ethnic heritage.
The 1991 revolution marked a significant shift as all nations and nationalities reclaimed their distinct ethnic identities, rejecting being labeled as Amhara. This transformation influenced the demographic changes within the Amhara population. Historical records, such as the 1930 census in Addis Ababa, illustrate how the Oromo population was once the most numerous. Due to historical marginalization and assimilation efforts by past rulers, many Oromos adopted Amharic names and language, leading to a decline in the Oromo population. Presently, people in Addis Ababa and Northern Ethiopia are reconnecting with their original ethnic backgrounds, causing a marked decline in the perceived Amhara population.
When crafting narratives, it is imperative to have accurate data and robust justifications, particularly as a respected scholar. Many historical accounts, including Ethiopian history, have been composed without substantial evidence, diminishing their credibility in contemporary discourse.
Furthermore, it is crucial to distinguish between the current Ethiopian leadership and party (Biltsigina and Abiy Ahmed) and recognize their origins in the EPRDF, which has roots in the TPLF. The Oromo community has historically played a pivotal role in opposing the EPRDF, with significant sacrifices made by Oromo youth. Presently, there is widespread discontent with these political entities, leading to resistance and unrest in Oromia. It is vital to differentiate between the actions of political figures and the broader populace affected by governmental decisions.
Attributing blame to the Oromo people for governmental missteps is counterproductive. Strategic thinking is essential in discerning between individuals and politicians involved in power dynamics. Engaging in divisive rhetoric that holds entire communities responsible for the actions of a few impedes progress towards stability and change.
Lastly, it is important to note that the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) strives to protect the Oromo people from oppressive regimes and advocates for their right to self-determination, in alignment with international norms endorsed by the United Nations Declaration of Human Rights. Their primary goal is not to harm the Amhara or any other Ethiopian ethnic group but to ensure that all Ethiopians can exercise their rights freely and autonomously.
In response to your mention of Asefa Jalet as a key figure in Oromumma, it is important to clarify that Oromummaa represents our intrinsic identity, encapsulating the essence of being Oromo and the collective aspirations of our people. It is crucial to recognize that Oromummaa is not a construct devised by any singular individual, including Asefa Jalet. Rather, it embodies the socio-political identity cherished by the Oromo community, uniting us under the banner of Oromumma. This concept serves as a unifying force, fostering solidarity among Oromos in Ethiopia and laying the groundwork for the establishment of our state, Oromia – the homeland of the Oromo people.
Contrary to labeling Oromummaa as a failed concept, it stands as a resilient and enduring idea that has thwarted the efforts of adversaries who sought to erode the Oromo identity over the course of 150 years. The historical actions of Emperor Menelik II, particularly in subjugating the Tulama Oromo, now known as the Showa, with the collaboration of individuals like Ras Gobena, were instrumental in reshaping the Oromo narrative within the context of Amhara-centric ideologies. It was under Menelik’s rule that the fusion of Oromo and Amhara identities occurred, leading to the emergence of the term “Shoa Oromo.” However, it is vital to emphasize that the Oromo people’s preferred identities are rooted in their original designations as Tulama and Mecha, distinct from the imposed Shoa Oromo label.
Oromumma radiates as a beacon of unity, bridging Oromos across regions spanning from Western Meca (Wellega) to Eastern Etu (Harerge), encompassing territories from Northern Selalee and Walo to Borana, thereby uniting the Oromo nation. The Oromo people maintain a strong sense of identity and autonomy, distinct from the historical narratives perpetuated by the Amhara regime, which has often aligned itself with the Solomonic dynasty of Israel, despite lacking shared blood ties or political ideologies.
It is imperative to uphold and cherish our unique Oromo identity, rather than allowing external influences to dilute or distort our heritage. External perspectives that seek to undermine or misrepresent the struggles of the Oromo people hold no weight in shaping the trajectory of our collective journey. Let us remain steadfast in our commitment to Oromumma, rejecting attempts to diminish our cultural legacy and embracing the rich tapestry of our identity without compromise or concession to outdated colonial mentalities.
In conclusion, let us stand united in the essence of Oromumma, honoring our past, celebrating our present, and shaping a future that reflects the resilience, pride, and unity of the Oromo people.